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the writings-4-第12部分

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acquired should be brought in upon condition that slavery should be

forever prohibited therein; upon the terms and in the language that

slavery had been prohibited from coming into this country。  That was

insisted upon constantly and never failed to call forth an assurance

that any territory thus acquired should have that prohibition in it;

so far as the House of Representatives was concerned。  But at last

the President and Senate acquired the territory without asking the

House of Representatives anything about it; and took it without that

prohibition。  They have the power of acquiring territory without the

immediate representatives of the people being called upon to say

anything about it; and thus furnishing a very apt and powerful means

of bringing new territory into the Union; and; when it is once

brought into the country; involving us anew in this slavery

agitation。  It is therefore; as I think; a very important question

for due consideration of the American people; whether the policy of

bringing in additional territory; without considering at all how it

will operate upon the safety of the Union in reference to this one

great disturbing element in our national politics; shall be adopted

as the policy of the country。  You will bear in mind that it is to be

acquired; according to the Judge's view; as fast as it is needed; and

the indefinite part of this proposition is that we have only Judge

Douglas and his class of men to decide how fast it is needed。  We

have no clear and certain way of determining or demonstrating how

fast territory is needed by the necessities of the country。  Whoever

wants to go out filibustering; then; thinks that more territory is

needed。  Whoever wants wider slave…fields feels sure that some

additional territory is needed as slave territory。  Then it is as

easy to show the necessity of additional slave…territory as it is to

assert anything that is incapable of absolute demonstration。

Whatever motive a man or a set of men may have for making annexation

of property or territory; it is very easy to assert; but much less

easy to disprove; that it is necessary for the wants of the country。



And now it only remains for me to say that I think it is a very grave

question for the people of this Union to consider; whether; in view

of the fact that this slavery question has been the only one that has

ever endangered our Republican institutions; the only one that has

ever threatened or menaced a dissolution of the Union; that has ever

disturbed us in such a way as to make us fear for the perpetuity of

our liberty;in view of these facts; I think it is an exceedingly

interesting and important question for this people to consider

whether we shall engage in the policy of acquiring additional

territory; discarding altogether from our consideration; while

obtaining new territory; the question how it may affect us in regard

to this; the only endangering element to our liberties and national

greatness。  The Judge's view has been expressed。  I; in my answer to

his question; have expressed mine。  I think it will become an

important and practical question。  Our views are before the public。

I am willing and anxious that they should consider them fully; that

they should turn it about and consider the importance of the

question; and arrive at a just conclusion as to whether it is or is

not wise in the people of this Union; in the acquisition of new

territory; to consider whether it will add to the disturbance that is

existing amongst uswhether it will add to the one only danger that

has ever threatened the perpetuity of the Union or our own liberties。

I think it is extremely important that they shall decide; and rightly

decide; that question before entering upon that policy。



And now; my friends; having said the little I wish to say upon this

head; whether I have occupied the whole of the remnant of my time or

not; I believe I could not enter upon any new topic so as to treat it

fully; without transcending my time; which I would not for a moment

think of doing。  I give way to Judge Douglas。









SIXTH JOINT DEBATE;



AT QUINCY; OCTOBER 13; 1858。



LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: I have had no immediate conference with Judge

Douglas; but I will venture to say that he and I will perfectly agree

that your entire silence; both when I speak and when he speaks; will

be most agreeable to us。



In the month of May; 1856; the elements in the State of Illinois

which have since been consolidated into the Republican party

assembled together in a State Convention at Bloomington。  They

adopted at that time what; in political language; is called a

platform。  In June of the same year the elements of the Republican

party in the nation assembled together in a National Convention at

Philadelphia。  They adopted what is called the National Platform。  In

June; 1858;the present year;the Republicans of Illinois

reassembled at Springfield; in State Convention; and adopted again

their platform; as I suppose not differing in any essential

particular from either of the former ones; but perhaps adding

something in relation to the new developments of political progress

in the country。



The Convention that assembled in June last did me the honor; if it be

one; and I esteem it such; to nominate me as their candidate for the

United States Senate。  I have supposed that; in entering upon this

canvass; I stood generally upon these platforms。  We are now met

together on the 13th of October of the same year; only four months

from the adoption of the last platform; and I am unaware that in this

canvass; from the beginning until to…day; any one of our adversaries

has taken hold of our platforms; or laid his finger upon anything

that he calls wrong in them。



In the very first one of these joint discussions between Senator

Douglas and myself; Senator Douglas; without alluding at all to these

platforms; or any one of them; of which I have spoken; attempted to

hold me responsible for a set of resolutions passed long before the

meeting of either one of these conventions of which I have spoken。

And as a ground for holding me responsible for these resolutions; he

assumed that they had been passed at a State Convention of the

Republican party; and that I took part in that Convention。  It was

discovered afterward that this was erroneous; that the resolutions

which he endeavored to hold me responsible for had not been passed by

any State Convention anywhere; had not been passed at Springfield;

where he supposed they had; or assumed that they had; and that they

had been passed in no convention in which I had taken part。  The

Judge; nevertheless; was not willing to give up the point that he was

endeavoring to make upon me; and he therefore thought to still hold

me to the point that he was endeavoring to make; by showing that the

resolutions that he read had been passed at a local convention in the

northern part of the State; although it was not a local convention

that embraced my residence at all; nor one that reached; as I

suppose; nearer than one hundred and fifty or two hundred miles of

where I was when it met; nor one in which I took any part at all。  He

also introduced other resolutions; passed at other meetings; and by

combining the whole; although they were all antecedent to the two

State Conventions and the one National Convention I have mentioned;

still he insisted; and now insists; as I understand; that I am in

some way responsible for them。



At Jonesboro; on our third meeting; I insisted to the Judge that I

was in no way rightfully held responsible for the proceedings of this

local meeting or convention; in which I had taken no part; and in

which I was in no way embraced; but I insisted to him that if he

thought I was responsible for every man or every set of men

everywhere; who happen to be my friends; the rule ought to work both

ways; and he ought to be responsible for the acts and resolutions of

all men or sets of men who were or are now his supporters and

friends; and gave him a pretty long string of resolutions; passed by

men who are now his friends; and announcing doctrines for which he

does not desire to be held responsible。



This still does not satisfy Judge Douglas。  He still adheres to his

proposition; that I am responsible for what some of my friends in

different parts of the State have done; but that he is not

responsible for what his have done。  At least; so I understand him。

But in addition to that; the Judge; at our meeting in Galesburgh;

last week; undertakes to establish that I am guilty of a species of

double dealing with the public; that I make speeches of a certain

sort in the north; among the Abolitionists; which I would not make in

the south; and that I make speeches of a certain sort in the south

which I would not make in the north。  I apprehend; in the course I

have marked out for myself; that I shall not have to dwell at very
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