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The Ancien Regime
by Charles Kingsley
PREFACE
The rules of the Royal Institution forbid （and wisely） religious or
political controversy。 It was therefore impossible for me in these
Lectures； to say much which had to be said； in drawing a just and
complete picture of the Ancien Regime in France。 The passages
inserted between brackets； which bear on religious matters； were
accordingly not spoken at the Royal Institution。
But more。 It was impossible for me in these Lectures； to bring
forward as fully as I could have wished； the contrast between the
continental nations and England； whether now； or during the
eighteenth century。 But that contrast cannot be too carefully
studied at the present moment。 In proportion as it is seen and
understood； will the fear of revolution （if such exists） die out
among the wealthier classes； and the wish for it （if such exists）
among the poorer； and a large extension of the suffrage will be
looked on aswhat it actually isa safe and harmless concession to
the wishesand； as I hold； to the just rightsof large portion of
the British nation。
There exists in Britain now； as far as I can see； no one of those
evils which brought about the French Revolution。 There is no
widespread misery； and therefore no widespread discontent； among the
classes who live by hand…labour。 The legislation of the last
generation has been steadily in favour of the poor； as against the
rich； and it is even more true now than it was in 1789； thatas
Arthur Young told the French mob which stopped his carriagethe
rich pay many taxes （over and above the poor…rates； a direct tax on
the capitalist in favour of the labourer） more than are paid by the
poor。 〃In England〃 （says M。 de Tocqueville of even the eighteenth
century） 〃the poor man enjoyed the privilege of exemption from
taxation； in France； the rich。〃 Equality before the law is as well…
nigh complete as it can be； where some are rich and others poor； and
the only privileged class； it sometimes seems to me； is the pauper；
who has neither the responsibility of self…government； nor the toil
of self…support。
A minority of malcontents； some justly； some unjustly； angry with
the present state of things； will always exist in this world。 But a
majority of malcontents we shall never have； as long as the workmen
are allowed to keep untouched and unthreatened their rights of free
speech； free public meeting； free combination for all purposes which
do not provoke a breach of the peace。 There may be （and probably
are） to be found in London and the large towns； some of those
revolutionary propagandists who have terrified and tormented
continental statesmen since the year 1815。 But they are far fewer
in number than in 1848； far fewer still （I believe） than in 1831；
and their habits； notions； temper； whole mental organisation； is so
utterly alien to that of the average Englishman； that it is only the
sense of wrong which can make him take counsel with them； or make
common cause with them。 Meanwhile； every man who is admitted to a
vote； is one more person withdrawn from the temptation to
disloyalty； and enlisted in maintaining the powers that bewhen
they are in the wrong； as well as when they are in the right。 For
every Englishman is by his nature conservative； slow to form an
opinion； cautious in putting it into effect； patient under evils
which seem irremediable； persevering in abolishing such as seem
remediable； and then only too ready to acquiesce in the earliest
practical result； to 〃rest and be thankful。〃 His faults； as well as
his virtues； make him anti…revolutionary。 He is generally too dull
to take in a great idea； and if he does take it in； often too
selfish to apply it to any interest save his own。 But now and then；
when the sense of actual injury forces upon him a great idea； like
that of Free…trade or of Parliamentary Reform； he is indomitable；
however slow and patient； in translating his thought into fact： and
they will not be wise statesmen who resist his dogged determination。
If at this moment he demands an extension of the suffrage eagerly
and even violently； the wise statesman will give at once； gracefully
and generously； what the Englishman will certainly obtain one day；
if he has set his mind upon it。 If； on the other hand； he asks for
it calmly； then the wise statesman （instead of mistaking English
reticence for apathy） will listen to his wishes all the more
readily； seeing in the moderation of the demand； the best possible
guarantee for moderation in the use of the thing demanded。
And； be it always remembered； that in introducing these men into the
〃balance of the Constitution；〃 we introduce no unknown quantity。
Statesmen ought to know them； if they know themselves； to judge what
the working man would do by what they do themselves。 He who imputes
virtues to his own class imputes them also to the labouring class。
He who imputes vices to the labouring class； imputes them to his own
class。 For both are not only of the same flesh and blood； but； what
is infinitely more important； of the same spirit； of the same race；
in innumerable cases； of the same ancestors。 For centuries past the
most able of these men have been working upwards into the middle
class； and through it； often； to the highest dignities； and the
highest family connections； and the whole nation knows how they have
comported themselves therein。 And； by a reverse process （of which
the physiognomist and genealogist can give abundant proof）； the
weaker members of that class which was dominant during the Middle
Age have been sinking downward； often to the rank of mere day…
labourers； and carrying downward with themsometimes in a very
tragical and pathetic fashionsomewhat of the dignity and the
refinement which they had learnt from their ancestors。
Thus has the English nation （and as far as I can see； the Scotch
likewise） become more homogeneous than any nation of the Continent；
if we except France since the extermination of the Frankish
nobility。 And for that very reason； as it seems to me； it is more
fitted than any other European nation for the exercise of equal
political rights； and not to be debarred of them by arguments drawn
from countries which have been governedas England has not beenby
a caste。
The civilisation； not of mere book…learning； but of the heart； all
that was once meant by 〃manners〃good breeding； high feeling；
respect for self and respect for othersare just as common （as far
as I have seen） among the hand…workers of England and Scotland； as
among any other class； the only difference is； that these qualities
develop more early in the richer classes； owing to that severe
discipline of our public schools； which makes mere lads often fit to
govern； because they have learnt to obey： while they develop later…
…generally not till middle agein the classes who have not gone
through in their youth that Spartan training； and who indeed （from a
mistaken conception of liberty） would not endure it for a day。 This
and other social drawbacks which are but too patent； retard the
manhood of the working classes。 That it should be so； is a wrong。
For if a citizen have one right above all others to demand anything
of his country； it is that he should be educated； that whatever
capabilities he may have in him； however small； should have their
fair and full chance of development。 But the cause of the wrong is
not the existence of a caste； or a privileged class； or of anything
save the plain fact； that some men will be always able to pay more
for their children's education than others； and that those children
will； inevitably； win in the struggle of life。
Meanwhile； in this fact is to be found the most weighty； if not the
only argument against manhood suffrage； which would admit manybut
too many； alas！who are still mere boys in mind。 To a reasonable
household suffrage it cannot apply。 The man who （being almost
certainly married； and having children） can afford to rent a 5 pound
tenement in a town； or in the country either； has seen quite enough
of life； and learnt quite enough of it； to form a very fair judgment
of the man who offers to represent him in Parliament； because he has
learnt； not merely something of his own interest； or that of his
class； butwhat is infinitely more importantthe difference
between the pretender and the honest man。
The causes of this state of society； which is peculiar to Britain；
must be sought far back in the ages。 It would seem that the
distinction between 〃earl and churl〃 （the noble and the non…noble
freeman） was crushed out in this island by the two Norman conquests…
…that of the Anglo…Saxon nobility by Sweyn and Canute； and that of
the Anglo…Danish nobility by William and his Frenchmen。 Those two
terrible calamities； following each other in the short space of
fifty years； seem to have welded t