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abraham lincoln and the union-第27部分

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story there was a Chase faction and a Seward faction。  The former had behind them the Radical Republicans; while the latter relied upon the support of the moderates。  This division in the Republican party runs deep through the politics of the time。  There seems to be good reason to think that Chase was not taken by surprise when his radical allies in Congress; in December; 1862; demanded of Lincoln the removal of Seward。  It will be remembered that the elections of the autumn of 1862 had gone against Lincoln。  At this moment of dismay; the friends of Chase struck their blow。  Seward instantly offered his resignation。  But Lincoln skillfully temporized。  Thereupon; Chase also resigned。  Judging from the scanty evidence we have of his intention; we may conclude that he thought he had Lincoln in a corner and that he expected either to become first minister or the avowed chief of an irresistible opposition。  But he seems to have gone too fast for his followers。 Lincoln had met them; together with his Cabinet; in a conference in December; 1862; and frankly discussed the situation; with the result that some of them wavered。  When Lincoln informed both Seward and Chase that he declined to accept their resignations; both returnedSeward with alacrity; Chase with reluctance。  One of the clues to Lincoln's cabinet policy was his determination to keep both these factions committed to the Government; without allowing himself to be under the thumb of either。

During the six months following the cabinet crisis Chase appears at his best。  A stupendous difficulty lay before him and he attacked it manfully。  The Government's deficit was 276;900;000。 Of the loans authorized in 1862the 〃five…twenties〃 as they were called; bringing six per cent and to run from five to twenty years at the Government's pleasure…the sales had brought in; to December; 1862; only 23;750;000; though five hundred million had been expected。  The banks in declining to handle these bonds laid the blame on the Secretary; who had insisted that all purchasers should take them at par。

It is not feasible; in a work of this character; to enter into the complexities of the financial situation of 1863; or to determine just what influences caused a revolution in the market for government bonds。  But two factors must be mentioned。  Chase was induced to change his attitude and to sell to banks large numbers of bonds at a rate below par; thus enabling the banks to dispose of them at a profit。  He also called to his aid Jay Cooke; an experienced banker; who was allowed a commission of one…half per cent on all bonds sold up to 10;000;000 and three…eighths of one per cent after that。  Cooke organized a countrywide agency system; with twenty…five hundred subagents through whom he offered directly to the people bonds in small denominations。  By all manner of devices; patriotism and the purchase of bonds were made to appear the same thing; and before the end of the year 400;000;000 in five…twenty bonds had been sold。  This campaign to dispose of the five…twenties was the turning…point in war finance; and later borrowings encountered no such difficulties as those of 1862 and 1863。

Better known today than this precarious legislation is the famous Act of 1863; which was amended in the next year and which forms the basis of our present system of national banks。  To Chase himself the credit for this seems to be due。  Even in 1861 he advised Congress to establish a system of national banks; and he repeated the advice before it was finally taken。  The central feature of this system which he advocated is one with which we are still familiar: permission to the banks accepting government supervision to deposit government bonds in the Treasury and to acquire in return the right to issue bank…notes to the amount of ninety per cent of the value of the bonds。

There can be no doubt that Chase himself rated very highly his own services to his country。  Nor is there any doubt that; alone among Lincoln's close associates; he continued until the end to believe himself a better man than the President。  He and his radical following made no change in their attitude to Lincoln; though Chase pursued a course of confidential criticism which has since inspired the characterization of him as a 〃sneak;〃 while his followers were more outspoken。  In the summer of 1863 Chase was seriously talked of as the next President; and before the end of the year Chase clubs were being organized in all the large cities to promote his candidacy。  Chase himself took the adroit position of not believing that any President should serve a second term。

Early in 1864 the Chase organization sent out a confidential circular signed by Senator Pomeroy of Kansas setting forth the case against Lincoln as a candidate and the case in favor of Chase。 Unfortunately for Chase; this circular fell into the hands of a newspaper and was published。  Chase at once wrote to Lincoln denying any knowledge of the circular but admitting his candidacy and offering his resignation。  No more remarkable letter was written by Lincoln than his reply to Chase; in which he showed that he had long fully understood the situation; and which he closed with these words: 〃Whether you shall remain at the head of the Treasury Department is a question which I do not allow myself to consider from any standpoint other than my judgment of the public service; and; in that view; I do not perceive occasion for change。〃

The Chase boom rapidly declined。  The deathblow was given by a caucus of the Union members of the legislature of his own State nominating Lincoln 〃at the demand of the people and the soldiers of Ohio。〃  The defeat embittered Chase。  For several months; however; he continued in the Cabinet; and during this time he had the mortification of seeing Lincoln renominated in the National Union Convention amid a great display of enthusiasm。

More than once in the past; Chase had offered his resignation。  On one occasion Lincoln had gone to his house and had begged him to reconsider his decision。  Soon after the renomination; Chase again offered his resignation upon the pretext of a disagreement with the President over appointments to office。  This time; however; Lincoln felt the end had come and accepted the resignation。 Chase's successor in the Treasury was William Pitt Fessenden; Senator from Maine。  During most of the summer of 1864 Chase stood aside; sullen and envious; watching the progress of Lincoln toward a second election。  So much did his bitterness affect his judgment that he was capable of writing in his diary his belief that Lincoln meant to reverse his policy and consent to peace with slavery reestablished。



CHAPTER XI。 NORTHERN LIFE DURING THE WAR

The real effects of war on the life of nations is one of those old and complicated debates which lie outside the scope of a volume such as this。  Yet in the particular case of the Northern people it is imperative to answer two questions both of which have provoked interminable discussion: Was the moral life of the North good or bad in the war years?  Was its commercial life sound?

As to the moral question; contemporary evidence seems at first sight contradictory。  The very able Englishman who represented the 〃Times〃; William H。 Russell; gives this ugly picture of an American city in 1863:

〃Every fresh bulletin from the battlefield of Chickamauga; during my three weeks' stay in Cincinnati; brought a long list of the dead and wounded of the Western army; many of whom; of the officers; belonged to the best families of the place。  Yet the signs of mourning were hardly anywhere perceptible; the noisy gaiety of the town was not abated one jot。〃

On the other hand; a private manuscript of a Cincinnati family describes the 〃intense gloom hanging over the city like a pall〃 during the period of that dreadful battle。  The memories of old people at Cincinnati in after daysif they had belonged to the 〃loyal〃 partycontained only sad impressions of a city that was one great hospital where 〃all our best people〃 worked passionately as volunteer assistants of the government medical corps。

A third fact to be borne in mind in connection with this apparent contradiction in evidence is the source of the greater fortunes of Cincinnati; a large proportion of which are to be traced; directly or indirectly to government contracts during the war。  In some cases the merciless indifference of the Cincinnati speculators to the troubles of their country are a local scandal to this day; and it is still told; sometimes with scorn; sometimes with amusement; how perhaps the greatest of these fortunes was made by forcing up the price of iron at a time when the Government had to have iron; cost what it might。

Thus we no sooner take up the moral problem of the times than we find ourselves involved in the commercial question; for here; as always; morals and business are intertwined。 Was the commercial management of the North creditable to the Government and an honor to the people?  The surest way to answer such questions is to trace out with some fullness the commercial and industrial conditions of the North during the four years of war。

The general reader who looks for the first time into the matter is likely to be stagge
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