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working its maddest act the very ecstasy of its madnessthe permanent formation and the actual triumph of a party which knows one half of America only to hate and dread it。 If the Republican party；〃 Choate continued； 〃accomplishes its object and gives the government to the North； I turn my eyes from the consequences。 To the fifteen states of the South that government will appear an alien government。 It will appear worse。 It will appear a hostile government。 It will represent to their eye a vast region of states organized upon anti…slavery； flushed by triumph； cheered onward by the voice of the pulpit； tribune； and press； its mission； to inaugurate freedom and put down the oligarchy； its constitution； the glittering and sounding generalities of natural right which make up the Declaration of Independence。。。。 Practically the contest； in my judgment； is between Mr。 Buchanan and Colonel Fremont。 In these circumstances； I vote for Mr。 Buchanan。〃
The party of political evasion thus became the refuge of the old original Whigs who were forced to take advantage of any port in a storm。 Buchanan was elected by an overwhelming majority。 To the careless eye； Douglas had been justified by results； his party had triumphed as perhaps never before； and yet； no great political success was ever based upon less stable foundations。 To maintain this position； those Northerners who reasoned as Choate did were a necessity； but to keep them in the party of political evasion would depend upon the ability of this party to play the game of politics without acknowledging sectional bias。 Whether this difficult task could be accomplished would depend upon the South。 Toombs； on his part； was anxious to continue making the party of evasion play the great American game of politics； and in his eagerness he perhaps overestimated his hold upon the South。 This； however； remains to be seen。
Already another faction had formed around William L。 Yancey of Alabamaa faction as intolerant of political evasion as the Republicans themselves； and one that was eager to match the sectional Northern party by a sectional Southern party。 It had for the moment fallen into line with the Toombs faction because； like the Whigs； it had not the courage to do otherwise。 The question now was whether it would continue fearful； and whether political evasion would continue to reign。
The key to the history of the next four years is in the growth of this positive Southern party； which had the inevitable result of forcing the Whig remainder to choose； not as in 1856 between a positive sectional policy and an evasive nonsectional policy； but in 1860 between two policies both of which were at once positive and sectional。
CHAPTER III。 THE POLITICIANS AND THE NEW DAY
The South had thus far been kept in line with the cause of political evasion by a small group of able politicians； chief among whom were Robert Toombs； Howell Cobb； and Alexander H。 Stephens。 Curiously enough all three were Georgians； and this might indeed be called the day of Georgia in the history of the South。
A different type of man； however； and one significant of a divergent point of view； had long endeavored to shake the leadership of the Georgian group。 Rhett in South Carolina； Jefferson Davis in Mississippi； and above all Yancey in Alabama； together with the interests and sentiment which they represented； were almost ready to contest the orthodoxy of the policy of 〃nothing doing。〃 To consolidate the interests behind them； to arouse and fire the sentiment on which they relied； was now the confessed purpose of these determined men。 So little attention has hitherto been given to motive in American politics that the modern student still lacks a clear…cut and intelligent perception of these various factions。 In spite of this fact； however； these men may safely be regarded as being distinctly more intellectual； and as having distinctly deeper natures； than the men who came together under the leadership of Toombs and Cobb； and who had the true provincial enthusiasm for politics as the great American sport。
The factions of both Toombs and Yancey were intensely Southern and； whenever a crisis might come； neither meant to hesitate an instant over striking hard for the South。 Toombs； however； wanted to prevent such a situation； while Yancey was anxious to force one。 The former conceived felicity as the joy of playing politics on the biggest stage； and he therefore bent all his strength to preserving the so…called national parties； the latter； scornful of all such union； was for a separate Southern community。
Furthermore； no man could become enthusiastic about political evasion unless by nature he also took kindly to compromise。 So； Toombs and his followers were for preserving the negative Democratic position of 1856。 In a formal paper of great ability Stephens defended that position when he appeared for reelection to Congress in 1857。 Cobb； who had entered Buchanan's Cabinet as Secretary of the Treasury； and who spoke hopefully of making Kansas a slave state； insisted nevertheless that such a change must be 〃brought about by the recognized principles of carrying out the will of the majority which is the great doctrine of the Kansas Bill。〃 To Yancey； as to the Republicans； Kansas was a disputed border…land for which the so…called two nations were fighting。
The internal Southern conflict between these two factions began anew with the Congressional elections of 1857。 It is worth observing that the make…up of these factions was almost a resurrection of the two groups which； in 1850； had divided the South on the question of rejecting the Compromise。 In a letter to Stephens in reference to one of the Yancey men； Cobb prophesied： 〃McDonald will utterly fail to get up a new Southern Rights party。 Burnt children dread the fire； and he cannot get up as strong an organization as he did in 1850。 Still it is necessary to guard every point； as McDonald is a hard hand to deal with。〃 For the moment； he foretold events correctly。 The Southern elections of 1857 did not break the hold of the moderates。
Yancey turned to different machinery； quite as useful for his purpose。 This he found in the Southern commercial conventions； which were held annually。 At this point there arises a vexed question which has； of late； aroused much discussion。 Was there then what we should call today a slave 〃interest〃？ Was organized capital deliberately exploiting slavery？ And did Yancey play into its hands？* The truth seems to be that； between 1856 and 1860； both the idealist parties； the Republicans and the Secessionists； made peace with； shall we say； the Mammon of unrighteousness； or merely organized capital？ The one joined hands with the iron interest of the North； the other； with the slave interest of the South。 The Republicans preached the domination of the North and a protective tariff； the Yancey men preached the independence of the South and the reopening of the slave trade。
* For those who would be persuaded that there was such a slave interest； perhaps the best presentation is to be found in Professor Dodd's Life of Jefferson Davis。
These two issues Yancey； however； failed to unite； though the commercial convention of 1859 at last gave its support to a resolution that all laws； state or federal； prohibiting the African slave trade ought to be repealed。 That great body of Northern capital which had dealings with the South was ready； as it always had been； to finance any scheme that Southern business desired。 Slavers were fitted out in New York； and the city authorities did not prevent their sailing。 Against this somber background stands forth that much admired action of Lewis Cass of Michigan； Buchanan's Secretary of State。 Already the slave trade was in process of revival； and the British Navy； impelled by the powerful anti…slavery sentiment in England； was active in its suppression。 American ships suspected of being slavers were visited and searched。 Cass seized his opportunity； and declaring that such things 〃could not be submitted to by an independent nation without dishonor；〃 sent out American warships to prevent this interference。 Thereupon the British government consented to give up trying to police the ocean against slavers。 It is indeed true； therefore； that neither North nor South has an historical monopoly of the support of slavery！
It is but fair to add that； so far as the movement to reopen the slave trade found favor outside the slave barons and their New York allies； it was advocated as a means of political defense； of increasing Southern population as an offset to the movement of free emigration into the North； and of keeping the proportion of Southern representation in Congress。 Stephens； just after Cass had successfully twisted the lion's tail； took this position in a speech that caused a sensation。 In a private letter he added； 〃Unless we get immigration from abroad； we shall have few more slave states。 This great truth seems to take the people by surprise。 Some shrink from it as they would from death。 Still； it is as true as death。〃 The scheme； however； never received general acceptance； and in the constitution of the Southern Confederacy there was a section prohibit