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on public credit-第2部分

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democratical frenzy。
    Secondly; Public stocks; being a kind of paper…credit; have
all the disadvantages attending that species of money。 They
banish gold and silver from the most considerable commerce of the
state; reduce them to common circulation; and by that means
render all provisions and labour dearer than otherwise they would
be。
    Thirdly; The taxes; which are levied to pay the interests of
these debts; are apt either to heighten the price of labour; or
be an oppression on the poorer sort。
    Fourthly; As foreigners possess a great share of our national
funds; they render the public; in a manner; tributary to them;
and may in time occasion the transport of our people and our
industry。
    Fifthly; The greater part of the public stock being always in
the hands of idle people; who live on their revenue; our funds;
in that view; give great encouragement to an useless and unactive
life。
    But though the injury; that arises to commerce and industry
from our public funds; will appear; upon balancing the whole; not
inconsiderable; it is trivial; in comparison of the prejudice
that results to the state considered as a body politic; which
must support itself in the society of nations; and have various
transactions with other states in wars and negociations。 The ill;
there; is pure and unmixed; without any favourable circumstance
to atone for it; and it is an ill too of a nature the highest and
most important。
    We have; indeed; been told; that the public is no weaker upon
account of its debts; since they are mostly due among ourselves;
and bring as much property to one as they take from another。 It
is like transferring money from the right hand to the left; which
leaves the person neither richer nor poorer than before。 Such
loose reasonings and specious comparisons will always pass; where
we judge not upon principles。 I ask; Is it possible; in the
nature of things; to overburthen a nation with taxes; even where
the sovereign resides among them? The very doubt seems
extravagant; since it is requisite; in every community; that
there be a certain proportion observed between the laborious and
the idle part of it。 But if all our present taxes be mortgaged;
must we not invent new ones? And may not this matter be carried
to a length that is ruinous and destructive?
    In every nation; there are always some methods of levying
money more easy than others; agreeably to the way of living of
the people; and the commodities they make use of。 In GREAT
BRITAIN; the excises upon malt and beer afford a large revenue;
because the operations of malting and brewing are tedious; and
are impossible to be concealed; and at the same time; these
commodities are not so absolutely necessary to life; as that the
raising of their price would very much affect the poorer sort。
These taxes being all mortgaged; what difficulty to find new
ones! what vexation and ruin of the poor!
    Duties upon consumptions are more equal and easy than those
upon possessions。 What a loss to the public; that the former are
all exhausted; and that we must have recourse to the more
grievous method of levying taxes!
    Were all the proprietors of land only stewards to the public;
must not necessity force them to practise all the arts of
oppression used by stewards; where the absence or negligence of
the proprietor render them secure against enquiry?
    It will scarcely be asserted; that no bounds ought ever to be
set to national debts; and that the public would be no weaker;
were twelve or fifteen shillings in the pound; land…tax;
mortgaged; with all the present customs and excises。 There is
something; therefore; in the case; beside the mere transferring
of property from the one hand to another。 In 500 years; the
posterity of those now in the coaches; and of those upon the
boxes; will probably have changed places; without affecting the
public by these revolutions。
    Suppose the public once fairly brought to that condition; to
which it is hastening with such amazing rapidity; suppose the
land to be taxed eighteen or nineteen shillings in the pound; for
it can never bear the whole twenty; suppose all the excises and
customs to be screwed up to the utmost which the nation can bear;
without entirely losing its commerce and industry; and suppose
that all those funds are mortgaged to perpetuity; and that the
invention and wit of all our projectors can find no new
imposition; which may serve as the foundation of a new loan; and
let us consider the necessary consequences of this situation。
Though the imperfect state of our political knowledge; and the
narrow capacities of men; make it difficult to fortel the effects
which will result from any untried measure; the seeds of ruin are
here scattered with such profusion as not to escape the eye of
the most careless observer。
    In this unnatural state of society; the only persons; who
possess any revenue beyond the immediate effects of their
industry; are the stock…holders; who draw almost all the rent of
the land and houses; besides the produce of all the customs and
excises。 These are men; who have no connexions with the state;
who can enjoy their revenue in any part of the globe in which
they chuse to reside; who will naturally bury themselves in the
capital or in great cities; and who will sink into the lethargy
of a stupid and pampered luxury; without spirit; ambition; or
enjoyment。 Adieu to all ideas of nobility; gentry; and family。
The stocks can be transferred in an instant; and being in such a
fluctuating state; will seldom be transmitted during three
generations from father to son。 Or were they to remain ever so
long in one family; they convey no hereditary authority or credit
to the possessor; and by this means; the several ranks of men;
which form a kind of independent magistracy in a state;
instituted by the hand of nature; are entirely lost; and every
man in authority derives his influence from the commission alone
of the sovereign。 No expedient remains for preventing or
suppressing insurrections; but mercenary armies: No expedient at
all remains for resisting tyranny。 Elections are swayed by
bribery and corruption alone: And the middle power between king
and people being totally removed; a grievous despotism must
infallibly prevail。 The landholders; despised for their poverty;
and hated for their oppressions; will be utterly unable to make
any opposition to it。
    Though a resolution should be formed by the legislature never
to impose any tax which hurts commerce and discourages industry;
it will be impossible for men; in subjects of such extreme
delicacy; to reason so justly as never to be mistaken; or amidst
difficulties so urgent; never to be seduced from their
resolution。 The continual fluctuations in commerce require
continual alterations in the nature of the taxes; which exposes
the legislature every moment to the danger both of wilful and
involuntary error。 And any great blow given to trade; whether by
injudicious taxes or by other accidents; throws the whole system
of government into confusion。
    But what expedient can the public now employ; even supposing
trade to continue in the most flourishing condition; in order to
support its foreign wars and enterprizes; and to defend its own
honour and interests; or those of its allies? I do not ask how
the public is to exert such a prodigious power as it has
maintained during our late wars; where we have so much exceeded;
not only our own natural strength; but even that of the greatest
empires。 This extravagance is the abuse complained of; as the
source of all the dangers; to which we are at present exposed。
But since we must still suppose great commerce and opulence to
remain; even after every fund is mortgaged; these riches must be
defended by proportional power; and whence is the public to
derive the revenue which supports it? It must plainly be from a
continual taxation of the annuitants; or; which is the same
thing; from mortgaging anew; on every exigency; a certain part of
their annuities; and thus making them contribute to their own
defence; and to that of the nation。 But the difficulties;
attending this system of policy; will easily appear; whether we
suppose the king to have become absolute master; or to be still
controuled by national councils; in which the annuitants
themselves must necessarily bear the principal sway。
    If the prince has become absolute; as may naturally be
expected from this situation of affairs; it is so easy for him to
encrease his exactions upon the annuitants; which amount only to
the retaining money in his own hands; that this species of
property would soon lose all its credit; and the whole income of
every individual in the state must lie entirely at the mercy of
the sovereign: A degree of despotism; which no oriental monarchy
has ever yet attained。 If; on the contrary; the consent of the
annuitants be requisite for every taxation; they will never be
persuaded to contribute sufficiently even to the support of
government; as the diminution of their revenue must in that case
be very sensible; would not be disguised under the appearance of
a branch of excise or customs; and would not be 
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