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the landlords the right to liberate their serfs； and even to
endow them with shares in the open fields if they paid for them。
In 1803 this law was passed； and 47；000 serfs were soon after
enfranchised； and became a separate class under the name of the
〃free agriculturists。〃 Sixteen years later （in 1819） the
enfranchisement of the serf became an accomplished fact in the
three Baltic provinces； the peasant obtaining the free disposal
of his person on condition of abandoning to his landlord the
parcels of ground previously in his possession。 This reform was
accomplished in the same manner as that carried out in 1812 by
Napoleon in the Kingdom of Poland。 In the thoroughly Russian
provinces no direct measures were at this time taken to abolish
the legal servitude of the peasant； but the question was more
than once debated in private circles and by learned bodies。 In
the year 1812； for instance； the Petersburg Society of Political
Economists declared that it would give 2000 roubles to the author
of the best treatise on the question of the relative advantages
of free and servile labour in agriculture。 This question by
itself shows the influence which Adam Smith's 〃Wealth of
Nations；〃 which had been translated into Russian in 1803； was
beginning to exercise on Russian thought。 Nine treatises were
forwarded to the Society； of which three only were in favour of
the further maintenance of servile labour。 But the greater number
expressed the opinion that the enfranchisement of the serf；
provided that he was allowed to keep the land he occupied； would
be of great advantage to the landlord himself。 This idea； in
conformity to which serfdom had been abolished in the Baltic
provinces； was the expression of a fact quite familiar to the
student of economic history。 The work of an enslaved labourer is
never so productive as that of a free labourer。 So long as rent
is low； as certainly was the case in Russia in past centuries；
the work of the serf is by no means fairly recompensed by the
land he owns。 But in the first quarter of the nineteenth century；
when Russia began to be considered as the granary of Europe； on
account of the vast exports of wheat from her ports； rent rapidly
rose； and this rise produced a complete change in the relative
value of servile work and the land which was in the possession of
the peasant。
The question put by the Society of Political Economists could
not； therefore； possibly have received any other answer than that
given to it by the majority of the authors who sent in papers to
the Society。 Serfdom was rapidly becoming a burden on the
manorial lords themselves； as many of them began to be conscious。
The barons of the Baltic shore were the first to understand the
advantage which the liberation of the serf； followed by a
resumption of the ground he owned； would have on their class
interests。 The nobility of Toula and Riasan； as well as that of
Dinabourg； Petersburg； and Czarskoie Selo； seemed also to become
conscious of this fact； for they petitioned the Emperor Nicholas
to establish local committees who might prepare the outlines of a
new emancipation act。 Among the nobles immediately surrounding
the Czar； Prince Mentchikov expressed his opinion of the
desirability and advantage of freeing the peasant and at the same
time of enriching the landlord by leaving in his hands all those
shares in the common ground which had been held by the peasants。
The interests of the nobility certainly required the
establishment of a class similar to that of the English
labourers； but the peasants were naturally averse to any change
which would lessen their hold on the soil。 In 1812 a peasant
rising took place in the Government of Pensa； the revolted serfs
expressing their wants by the old motto 〃liberty and Land。〃 In
1826 again the same motto was the watchword of another rising；
this time provoked by a rumour that land and liberty would
shortly be secured to the serfs。
Under the influence of this clear expression of the people's
wants； the Government of Nicholas abandoned all idea of
emancipation which was not to be followed by the endowment of the
peasant with land。 Not daring； as he openly acknowledged to lay
hands on the sacred rights of private property by liberating the
serfs and making them free owners of the soil； Nicholas proposed
to alter the existing condition of the serf by making him a sort
of copyholder or perpetual tenant of small parcels of manorial
ground； on condition of the payment of perpetual rent。 In the
Polish provinces； such copyhold tenures； very like the French
censives； were already in existence。 The Government； therefore；
only extended a system which already existed when； in 1842； they
ordered the preparation in each manor of a sort of registry；
called 〃inventory；〃 in which the amount of payments in kind and
money； made by the serfs to the landlord； were to be inscribed；
in order that in future no other levies might be made。
Neither of these two schemes for amending the untenable
position of the serf was good enough to obtain the approbation of
those to whom； at this time； actually belonged the guidance of
pubic opinion。 It will be to the eternal honour of the Russian
press that it constantly preached in favour of a reform which
would at once liberate the serf and make him legal owner of the
shares of manorial ground which were already in his possession。
Among the persons directly implicated in the insurrectionary
movement of the 24th of December 1825； two； Pestel and
Jakoushkine； had already declared themselves to be supporters of
such a scheme。
The diffusion of socialist ideas greatly contributed to
strengthen among the literary class the persuasion that it would
be impossible to liberate the serf otherwise than by endowing him
with land。 The well…known plot which was organised by
Petroschevsky； among its other aims； had that of allotting
parcels of ground to the liberated serf。 The great exile Herzen；
in a Russian newspaper then published in London； openly expressed
his opinion that the common ownership of the land should be
retained in the hands of the enfranchised peasant； and among the
many schemes of emancipation； which circulated in the form of
manuscript during the latter part of Nicholas's reign； more than
one advocated the necessity of retaining the ancient ties which
bound the peasant to the soil by making him the legal owner of
his share in the open fields。
The 〃providential mission〃 of the Czar Alexander the Second
was therefore disclosed in a state of society which was already
prepared to accept the general outlines of a social reform； the
end of which would be not only to liberate； but also to enrich；
the peasant。 As soon as Alexander ascended the throne rumours
began to be circulated as to the approaching abolition of
serfdom。 The unexpected death of his father placed him on the
throne at a moment of great and general depression； occasioned by
the defeat of the Russian military forces under the walls of
Sebastopol。 The young Emperor made an eloquent appeal to the
patriotism of his subjects； inviting them to increase the means
of defence by a voluntary levy of a kind of militia； known under
the name of Opolchenie。 This measure strengthened the belief in
the nearness of social and political reforms。 The peasants；
enrolled in the self…raised regiments of the militia； began to
think that their more or less voluntary sacrifice of life and
fortune would he rewarded by a complete liberation from the
ignominious bonds of personal servitude。 Crowds of serfs asked to
be admitted into the militia； expecting to attain freedom in this
way。
When the Peace of Paris was signed； and the peasants of the
militia were ordered to return to their daily tasks； they openly
expressed their belief that the charters by which the Emperor had
liberated them from bondage were concealed by their landlords。
These rumours produced great excitement。 The years 1854 and 1855
are notorious for a series of local rebellions。 These
insurrections took place partly on the shores of the Volga； which
had already felt； in the time of Catherine the Second； the
horrors of a jacquerie； partly in some Central and South…western
Governments； such as Vladimir； Riasan； Tambov； Pensa； Voronej；
and Kiev。 These revolutionary movements； directed exclusively
against the feudal aristocracy； produced a great impression on
the Czar Alexander。 Addressing the chiefs of the Moscovite
nobility （the so…called marshals）； the Czar showed his
appreciation of the wants of the time by the following words：
〃Gentlemen； you surely understand yourselves the impossibility of
retaining； without alteration and change； the existing mode of
owning souls ＇a usual expression； the meaning of which is the
right to the unpaid work of the serfs＇。 It is better to abolish
personal servitude by legislative measures than to see it
abolished by a movement from below。 I ask you to consider such
measures as might forward this end。〃 These promising words；
although followed by a direct declaration that serfdom was not to
be abolished at once； strengthened the expectations of those who
thought that the new reign would inaugurat