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be abolished at once； strengthened the expectations of those who
thought that the new reign would inaugurate an era of wide social
and political reform。 Although the Governor…General of Moscow；
Zakrevsky； did his best to persuade the nobility that all
projects concerning the abolition of serfdom were laid aside； it
very soon appeared that such was by no means the intention of
the Czar； for during the coronation the Home Secretary； Lanskoy；
by the direct command of Alexander； entered into communication
with those noblemen who were present in Moscow； in order to
ascertain what were their opinions as to the best means of
bringing about an amelioration in the actual condition of the
serfs。 These negotiations left no doubt as to the animosity with
which the nobility of Great Russia considered every plan tending
to the emancipation of the peasant。 This induced the Minister to
turn his eyes to those provinces in which the idea of liberating
the serfs had taken root at the time when personal servitude had
been abolished by Napoleon I in the neighbouring districts of
Poland； particularly the Governments of Vilna； Kovno； and Grodno。
The Lithuanian nobles were already favourable to the idea； and
were easily induced by the Governor General Nasimov to present to
the Czar an address asking for the abolition of bondage； but at
the same time demanding exclusive possession of the land for the
nobility。 You therefore see that the conditions on which the
Lithuanian nobles wanted to see the enfranchisement carried out
were the same as those on which it had been already carried out
in Poland and the Baltic provinces。 Seeing the difficulty of
preserving for their own profit the unpaid services of the
peasant； they were anxious to secure to themselves the monopoly
of the soil。 The serf was to be allowed to become a free person
only on condition of remaining a proletarian； living exclusively
on the wages he earned。 Carried out on such conditions； the
emancipation would hardly have met with the approval of those who
were most directly concerned。 As far back as the reign of the
Empress Catherine the peasant had plainly declared that he wanted
not only liberty； but land。 He was mindful of his ancient state；
previous to that of bondage； which； as we have already shown； was
the state of an owner in common of the ground he made fruitful by
his work。 No power on earth would have been strong enough to
break the ties； centuries old； which united him to the soil。 It
was no doubt in the interests of the nobility to see these ties
broken； for who could be the gainers in a scheme which promised
enhancement of the mercantile value of the soil and cheap labour；
if not those who had secured to themselves the monopoly of the
property in land？ What； on the other hand； was the liberated
proletarian to become if not a labourer； given up to eternal toil
on the estates of a land…monopolising nobility； and bound to
receive from their hands those bare wages which would cover the
expense of his existence？ The Emperor and some persons in his
confidence； were conscious of the social evils which the
execution of such a plan would produce。 It will be to the eternal
glory of Alexander to have answered the request of the Lithuanian
nobility by a decree by which； whilst allowing the establishment
of local committees for the elaboration of measures which might
achieve the emancipation in view； he plainly declared that the
liberated serfs ought to be secured at least in the possession of
their homesteads and of the land belonging to these homesteads
（the so…called homestead…land ousadebnaiia zemlia）。 This
expression was obscure and ambiguous； for it was not easy to
establish the limits of the so…called homestead…land。 Was it to
be considered as a compound of all the various communal
privileges of which the peasant was possessed； or to mean only
the ground directly surrounding his habitation？ This question
remained unsettled。
In the winter of 1851 the nobility of Petersburg； not wishing
to remain behind that of Lithuania； presented to the Emperor an
address very like the one just mentioned。 This address and the
decree it provoked deserve to be mentioned； for they show； on one
hand； the desire of the aristocracy to preserve not only all the
advantages of a land…owning class； but also to a certain extent
the social dependence under which the peasant had lived towards
them during the preceding centuries； and； on the other hand； the
firm decision of the Government to secure to the peasant at least
his property in the homestead he occupied； and in the land which
surrounded it。 The decree is curious too as a precise statement
of the conditions on which the Government intended at first to
accomplish the difficult task of emancipation。 They are； as you
will soon perceive； very different from those on which the
emancipation was actually performed。 No question is made of the
direct interference of the State in order to buy back from the
nobleman the plots of ground occupied by the serfs。 This end is
to be alone attained by way of free agreement between the
parties。 As long as this agreement has not taken place the serf
is to continue to perform the agricultural labour and make the
money payments fixed by law。 The nobleman； on the other hand；
exercises； as in the past； a kind of feudal justice and police。
The ground of the whole manor is declared to be his property； the
peasant is to receive no other endowment but that of his
homestead。
The nobility of Nijni…Novgorod； that of Moscow； and of
several other provinces； soon after this presented demands not
very unlike those already mentioned。 They were answered in the
same way； and local committees； imposed of noblemen； were
accordingly formed； in order to elaborate the outlines of the
intended reform in accordance with the views of the Government as
already stated。 These outlines were to be sent for further
examination to a central board； which was first appointed on
January 8； 1858； and was known under the name of the 〃Principal
Committee on the Peasant Question。〃 They were also to be the
subject of careful study on the part of a newly opened section of
the Board of Statistics。 Men of radical ideas； such as Nicolas
Miliutine and Soloviev； were included among its members。 The
reactionary party； on the other hand； counted more than one
member in the 〃Principal Committee on the Peasant Question〃； a
fact which induced the Government to detach from this Committee
two especial sections； the so…called 〃Committee for the
Drawing…up of the Reform Project；〃 and that of 〃The Elaboration
of Financial Measures； needed to secure the Execution of the Plan
in View。〃 The guidance of both Committees and the election of
their members were entrusted to General Rostovzov； an avowed
friend of the intended reform。 An important change was introduced
into the working of the bureaucratic machinery by the fact that
some elected members of the provincial committees were allowed to
have a seat at the meetings of the central bodies； and to
exercise there the functions of experts。 Among the persons so
appointed we find several well…known Slavophiles； such as Samarin
and Tcherkasky。
The work the central committees had to perform was； first of
all； the drawing…up of a concise statement of the results
attained by the deliberations of the local committees； next； the
discussion of the different opinions which these latter had
expressed； and； finally； the drawing…up of the conclusions to
which the members of the central committees themselves had
arrived。 The members of the committees enjoyed the hitherto
unknown freedom of expressing their opinion； and of consulting
all sorts of papers and books； not excluding even those published
by Russian emigrants。 One of the members protesting against the
idea of drawing information from the Kolokol； a Russian newspaper
published in London by the political refugee Herzen； the
President said that； according to his opinion； truth was to be
taken into account； whoever might have expressed it。 The
formalism and official subordination so much observed by our
bureaucracy were for the first time laid aside； and each member
frankly expressed his views； however much they might be opposed
to those of the President。 The committee even went so far as to
accept on certain points decisions which were not in accordance
with the Imperial decrees。 The local committee appointed by the
nobility of Tver was the first to express the opinion that the
peasants ought to be endowed with land beyond that which
surrounded their homesteads。 This opinion was endorsed by the
central committee； which maintained that； although it was
contradictory to the letter of the Imperial decrees； it was in
perfect correspondence with their spirit。
On another occasion the 〃Committee for the Drawing…up of the
Scheme of Reform〃 showed the same independence by adopting the
view first put forward by members of the press； that it was
necessary that the Government should come forward to buy up the
land which the nobleman was called upon to surrender to the
peasants of his manor。 Now this view was quite the reverse of
that expressed by the Imper